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Since the birth of hip hop it has been a voice and channel of communication for the minorities who feel they lack a platform to express themselves. During the last couple of decades, the genre of music has grown significant and by this process also penetrated the mainstream media and culture. Even after merging to mainstream media, it has been kept and preserved as a voice for the minorities and people in the society that lacks representation in media. Previous research tends to be based around the concept of how hip hop-artists who originate from minorities get portrayed in the mainstream media in other countries. Alternatively, how mainstream media tends to work around these situations to preserve neutrality and be as included as possible in their writing. Through the theoretical framework of othering, framing and identity theory that supports this study it highlights how the main Swedish newspapers tend to construct the identity of the hip hop-artist Yasin. The artist who in 2021 released an album, won two of Sweden’s most respectable awards for his music and also got sentenced to ten months in prison for his involvement in the kidnapping of the hip hop-artist Einár. The study uses Van Dijks approach of the method critical discourse analysis and analyzes 17 texts from the two leading newspapers in Sweden, Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet during 2021.The study is based on highlighting how Yasins identity as well as his art is constructed as a main actor. And if his art is victimized in the shadow of his criminal associations.

Since the birth of hip hop it has been a voice and channel of communication for the minorities who feel they lack a platform to express themselves. During the last couple of decades, the genre of music has grown significant and by this process also penetrated the mainstream media and culture. Even after merging to mainstream media, it has been kept and preserved as a voice for the minorities and people in the society that lacks representation in media. Previous research tends to be based around the concept of how hip hop-artists who originate from minorities get portrayed in the mainstream media in other countries. Alternatively, how mainstream media tends to work around these situations to preserve neutrality and be as included as possible in their writing. Through the theoretical framework of othering, framing and identity theory that supports this study it highlights how the main Swedish newspapers tend to construct the identity of the hip hop-artist Yasin. The artist who in 2021 released an album, won two of Sweden’s most respectable awards for his music and also got sentenced to ten months in prison for his involvement in the kidnapping of the hip hop-artist Einár. The study uses Van Dijks approach of the method critical discourse analysis and analyzes 17 texts from the two leading newspapers in Sweden, Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet during 2021.The study is based on highlighting how Yasins identity as well as his art is constructed as a main actor. And if his art is victimized in the shadow of his criminal associations.

When, on August 13, 2020, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) announced it was normalizing relations with the state of Israel, few could have predicted the effects it would have. However, since the Emirati decision, three other Arab countries - Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco - have reached agreements with Tel Aviv to normalize relations. Such events are a sharp divergence from the status quo and thus, this thesis examines, through the application of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and analyzed through a constructivist framework, how three Arab media sources - Al-Jazeera, Al-Arabiya, and Al-Mayadeen - discuss and represent these normalization agreements. By the end of this paper, it should be clear not only the role these Arab media sources serve in the geopolitical context of the region but also how recent normalization agreements have affected an Arab consensus, as explained by constructivism, regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The purpose of this study is to, through a critical discourse analysis, examine what discourses are being used in texts about men’s mental illness in Swedish newspapers and in what way these are manifested. The purpose is further to discuss what possible consequences of the discourse practice there are in relation to wider social processes and changes that surround problems related to men’s mental illness. In the Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet and Dagens Nyheter, 16 articles published within a one-year period where chosen as the research material. The research question guiding the study is “what kind of discourses is being used in newspaper articles dealing with men’s mental illness from 2018-04-20 – 2019-04-20 and how are they manifested?”. The analysis finds that the newspaper articles mainly are based on three types of discourses: the suicide discourse that concerns men’s suicide rate, the masculinity discourse that concerns men’s characteristics and masculine norms, and the stigma discourse that concerns the stigmatization that men who deals with mental illness suffers from. Beside these, three smaller discourses also emerged: one concerning the responsibility of medical services, one concerning the performance focused society, and one concerning men’s self-destructive actions. Based on these results it is concluded that the language used in the newspapers indicates that the discursive practice is transforming the order of discourse, and is thereby contributing to social change by challenging the problems of stigma, highlighting the suicide rate and redefining the image of men and masculine norms., Syftet med följande studie är att med hjälp av en kritisk diskursanalys undersöka vilka diskurser som texter om manlig psykisk ohälsa i svensk dagspress bygger på och hur dessa tar sig uttryck. Det sekundära syftet är att diskutera vad detta kan ha för konsekvenser för större sociala processer och förändringar som har med problem relaterade till manlig psykisk ohälsa att göra. I dagstidningarna Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter valdes 16 stycken artiklar under en ettårsperiod ut. För att uppnå syftet besvarades frågeställningen ”vilka diskurser bygger tidningsartiklar om manlig psykisk ohälsa under perioden 2018-04-20 – 2019-04-20 på och hur kommer de till uttryck?”. Utifrån analysen var resultatet att tidningsartiklarna huvudsakligen bygger på tre diskurser: självmordsdiskursen om den höga självmordsstatistiken bland män, maskulinitetsdiskursen om manliga karaktärsdrag och normer, och stigmatiseringsdiskursen om stigmatiseringen kring att vara man och lida av psykisk ohälsa. Förutom dessa framkom även tre mindre diskurser: en diskurs om sjukvårdens ansvar, en diskurs om prestationssamhället och en diskurs om mäns självdestruktiva beteende. Baserat på detta kunde det konstateras att det språkbruk tidningarna använder tyder på att den diskursiva praktiken arbetar för att rekonstruera diskursordningen. Detta speglar en riktning mot social förändring på så sätt att stigmatiseringen kring manlig psykisk ohälsa uppmärksammas, självmordsstatistiken problematiseras och bilden av män och maskulina normer omdefinieras.

The purpose of this study is to, through a critical discourse analysis, examine what discourses are being used in texts about men’s mental illness in Swedish newspapers and in what way these are manifested. The purpose is further to discuss what possible consequences of the discourse practice there are in relation to wider social processes and changes that surround problems related to men’s mental illness. In the Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet and Dagens Nyheter, 16 articles published within a one-year period where chosen as the research material. The research question guiding the study is “what kind of discourses is being used in newspaper articles dealing with men’s mental illness from 2018-04-20 – 2019-04-20 and how are they manifested?”. The analysis finds that the newspaper articles mainly are based on three types of discourses: the suicide discourse that concerns men’s suicide rate, the masculinity discourse that concerns men’s characteristics and masculine norms, and the stigma discourse that concerns the stigmatization that men who deals with mental illness suffers from. Beside these, three smaller discourses also emerged: one concerning the responsibility of medical services, one concerning the performance focused society, and one concerning men’s self-destructive actions. Based on these results it is concluded that the language used in the newspapers indicates that the discursive practice is transforming the order of discourse, and is thereby contributing to social change by challenging the problems of stigma, highlighting the suicide rate and redefining the image of men and masculine norms., Syftet med följande studie är att med hjälp av en kritisk diskursanalys undersöka vilka diskurser som texter om manlig psykisk ohälsa i svensk dagspress bygger på och hur dessa tar sig uttryck. Det sekundära syftet är att diskutera vad detta kan ha för konsekvenser för större sociala processer och förändringar som har med problem relaterade till manlig psykisk ohälsa att göra. I dagstidningarna Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet och Dagens Nyheter valdes 16 stycken artiklar under en ettårsperiod ut. För att uppnå syftet besvarades frågeställningen ”vilka diskurser bygger tidningsartiklar om manlig psykisk ohälsa under perioden 2018-04-20 – 2019-04-20 på och hur kommer de till uttryck?”. Utifrån analysen var resultatet att tidningsartiklarna huvudsakligen bygger på tre diskurser: självmordsdiskursen om den höga självmordsstatistiken bland män, maskulinitetsdiskursen om manliga karaktärsdrag och normer, och stigmatiseringsdiskursen om stigmatiseringen kring att vara man och lida av psykisk ohälsa. Förutom dessa framkom även tre mindre diskurser: en diskurs om sjukvårdens ansvar, en diskurs om prestationssamhället och en diskurs om mäns självdestruktiva beteende. Baserat på detta kunde det konstateras att det språkbruk tidningarna använder tyder på att den diskursiva praktiken arbetar för att rekonstruera diskursordningen. Detta speglar en riktning mot social förändring på så sätt att stigmatiseringen kring manlig psykisk ohälsa uppmärksammas, självmordsstatistiken problematiseras och bilden av män och maskulina normer omdefinieras.

In this bachelor’s thesis we analyse the discourses that can have affected the formation of the laws concerning prostitution and the purchasing of sex in Sweden and Denmark. We ask ourselves what different aspects have played a role in why the two countries’ laws are phrased the way they are. To do this, we base our analysis on theoretical frameworks such as poststructuralism, sexuality, and the heterosexual matrix. To guide our work we use Teun van Dijk’s definition of critical discourse analysis. We conclude that the discourses that have affected Sweden and Denmark’s laws does not differ between the countries in such a large extent that their laws should look so different from each other. We conclude this because Denmark and Sweden have similar discourses concerning sexuality, prostitution and the purchasing of sex. The Nordic model could be possible to apply on Denmark as well, since they construct these discourses in a similar way as Sweden.

In this bachelor’s thesis we analyse the discourses that can have affected the formation of the laws concerning prostitution and the purchasing of sex in Sweden and Denmark. We ask ourselves what different aspects have played a role in why the two countries’ laws are phrased the way they are. To do this, we base our analysis on theoretical frameworks such as poststructuralism, sexuality, and the heterosexual matrix. To guide our work we use Teun van Dijk’s definition of critical discourse analysis. We conclude that the discourses that have affected Sweden and Denmark’s laws does not differ between the countries in such a large extent that their laws should look so different from each other. We conclude this because Denmark and Sweden have similar discourses concerning sexuality, prostitution and the purchasing of sex. The Nordic model could be possible to apply on Denmark as well, since they construct these discourses in a similar way as Sweden.

This thesis examines the exclusion and socioeconomic marginalization of Afro-Latinos in Latin America. This population has historically been put in the ambiguous position of continuous inclusion and alienation within Latin American societies, which serves as the foundation for their marginalization and social exclusion. One way to investigate this unique position is to analyze the negotiation and reconstruction of ethnic boundaries on a discursive level by utilizing the theory of Fredrik Barth and Norman Fairclough’s methodology of critical discourse analysis. Brazil and Colombia are analyzed to shed light on regional developments and on how demographic, geographic, and historic factors influence and impact the process of social exclusion. The ways in which the discursive negotiation of ethnic boundaries has transformed Brazil and Colombia since 1980s until 2010s is analyzed comparatively. It is discovered that this transformation centers on the dichotomies of past/present, rural/urban, and ethnicity/race among several others. It is concluded that Colombia constructs Afro-Latinos in a negotiation between geographical spaces; between the urban highlands and the tropical Pacific coast, whereas in Brazil, the connection to the past, the history of slavery and a lost connection to Africa is the focal point. Ethnic boundaries are fluid and constantly negotiated, but are also fixed on stable elements in the social world. The exclusion of Afro-Latinos discursively, as well as in the social world, persists.

Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur behov och åtgärder i ämnet svenska beskrevs i några åtgärdsprogram upprättade för elever i årskurserna 1-3. Frågeställningarna handlade om hur lärare beskrev elevens behov av stöd och efterföljande åtgärder. För att besvara frågeställningarna har kritisk diskursanalys använts. Empirin till undersökningen var fjorton åtgärdsprogram från tre olika kommuner. Till hjälp för analys av resultat har de specialpedagogiska perspektiven använts som teoretisk modell. Det sammantagna resultatet visade att elevens behov vid flera av de granskade åtgärdsprogrammen framställdes som om eleven var bärare av sina problem, eller att eleven behövde träna mer. Behoven framställdes också som om eleven behövde liten grupp eller en resursperson. Åtgärder beskrevs utifrån att eleven var en passiv mottagare av åtgärden. De flesta åtgärderna var åtgärder på individnivå. Speciallärare framstod som åtgärd i flera av de granskade åtgärdsprogrammen. I några åtgärdsprogram var åtgärden beskriven på organisationsnivå, åtgärderna handlade om att lärarna behövde hitta andra arbetssätt. Sammanfattningsvis utkristalliserades sex olika diskurser, inkluderande diskurs, exkluderande diskurs, pedagogisk diskurs, eleven som problembärande diskurs, akademisk diskurs och kunskapsdiskurs. Flera av diskurserna hör hemma i den traditionella skolan och det kompensatoriska perspektivet. Dock gjordes några diskurser synliga som hör hemma i det kritiska perspektivet, exempelvis inkluderande diskurs, där görs kopplingar till politiska dokument såsom Barnkonventionen och Salamancadeklarationen. En intressant slutsats är att flera diskurser handlade om specialläraren, med hjälp av dilemmaperspektivet påvisades att diskursen kan bli problematiskt beroende på hur vi ser på specialläraren som profession., The purpose of the study was to examine how the work with special support in the subject Swedish is described in some action programme established for students in grades 1-3. The paper’s questions were about how teachers described the student’s need for support and the following actions. Critical discourse analysis was used to answer the questions. The empirical data for the study were fourteen action programmes from three different municipalities. To help in the analysis of the results, the special education perspective as a theoretical model was used. The combined results showed that the student’s needs at several of the reviewed action programmes were presented as if the student was carrying his problems, or that the student needed to train more. The needs were also presented as if the student needed a small group or an assistant. Actions were described on the basis that the student was a passive recipient of the actions. Most of the actions were on an individual level. Special needs teachers were presented as actions in several of the reviewed action programmes. In some action programmes the actions were described on an organizational level. The measurements used were focused on the teachers where they needed to find other ways of working. In conclusion, five different discourses emerged; inclusive discourse, excluding discourse, pedagogic discourse, student as the problem bearer, knowledge discourse and academic discourse. Several of the discourses belong in the traditional school and the compensatory perspective. However, there were some discourses revealed that belong in the critical perspective, such as including discourse where connections can be made to political documents such as the child convention and Salamanca declaration. One interesting conclusion is that many discourses were about the special needs teacher, with the help of the dilemma perspective the study shows that the discourse can be problematic depending on how we view the special nee

Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur behov och åtgärder i ämnet svenska beskrevs i några åtgärdsprogram upprättade för elever i årskurserna 1-3. Frågeställningarna handlade om hur lärare beskrev elevens behov av stöd och efterföljande åtgärder. För att besvara frågeställningarna har kritisk diskursanalys använts. Empirin till undersökningen var fjorton åtgärdsprogram från tre olika kommuner. Till hjälp för analys av resultat har de specialpedagogiska perspektiven använts som teoretisk modell. Det sammantagna resultatet visade att elevens behov vid flera av de granskade åtgärdsprogrammen framställdes som om eleven var bärare av sina problem, eller att eleven behövde träna mer. Behoven framställdes också som om eleven behövde liten grupp eller en resursperson. Åtgärder beskrevs utifrån att eleven var en passiv mottagare av åtgärden. De flesta åtgärderna var åtgärder på individnivå. Speciallärare framstod som åtgärd i flera av de granskade åtgärdsprogrammen. I några åtgärdsprogram var åtgärden beskriven på organisationsnivå, åtgärderna handlade om att lärarna behövde hitta andra arbetssätt. Sammanfattningsvis utkristalliserades sex olika diskurser, inkluderande diskurs, exkluderande diskurs, pedagogisk diskurs, eleven som problembärande diskurs, akademisk diskurs och kunskapsdiskurs. Flera av diskurserna hör hemma i den traditionella skolan och det kompensatoriska perspektivet. Dock gjordes några diskurser synliga som hör hemma i det kritiska perspektivet, exempelvis inkluderande diskurs, där görs kopplingar till politiska dokument såsom Barnkonventionen och Salamancadeklarationen. En intressant slutsats är att flera diskurser handlade om specialläraren, med hjälp av dilemmaperspektivet påvisades att diskursen kan bli problematiskt beroende på hur vi ser på specialläraren som profession., The purpose of the study was to examine how the work with special support in the subject Swedish is described in some action programme established for students in grades 1-3. The paper’s questions were about how teachers described the student’s need for support and the following actions. Critical discourse analysis was used to answer the questions. The empirical data for the study were fourteen action programmes from three different municipalities. To help in the analysis of the results, the special education perspective as a theoretical model was used. The combined results showed that the student’s needs at several of the reviewed action programmes were presented as if the student was carrying his problems, or that the student needed to train more. The needs were also presented as if the student needed a small group or an assistant. Actions were described on the basis that the student was a passive recipient of the actions. Most of the actions were on an individual level. Special needs teachers were presented as actions in several of the reviewed action programmes. In some action programmes the actions were described on an organizational level. The measurements used were focused on the teachers where they needed to find other ways of working. In conclusion, five different discourses emerged; inclusive discourse, excluding discourse, pedagogic discourse, student as the problem bearer, knowledge discourse and academic discourse. Several of the discourses belong in the traditional school and the compensatory perspective. However, there were some discourses revealed that belong in the critical perspective, such as including discourse where connections can be made to political documents such as the child convention and Salamanca declaration. One interesting conclusion is that many discourses were about the special needs teacher, with the help of the dilemma perspective the study shows that the discourse can be problematic depending on how we view the special nee

This thesis examines the exclusion and socioeconomic marginalization of Afro-Latinos in Latin America. This population has historically been put in the ambiguous position of continuous inclusion and alienation within Latin American societies, which serves as the foundation for their marginalization and social exclusion. One way to investigate this unique position is to analyze the negotiation and reconstruction of ethnic boundaries on a discursive level by utilizing the theory of Fredrik Barth and Norman Fairclough’s methodology of critical discourse analysis. Brazil and Colombia are analyzed to shed light on regional developments and on how demographic, geographic, and historic factors influence and impact the process of social exclusion. The ways in which the discursive negotiation of ethnic boundaries has transformed Brazil and Colombia since 1980s until 2010s is analyzed comparatively. It is discovered that this transformation centers on the dichotomies of past/present, rural/urban, and ethnicity/race among several others. It is concluded that Colombia constructs Afro-Latinos in a negotiation between geographical spaces; between the urban highlands and the tropical Pacific coast, whereas in Brazil, the connection to the past, the history of slavery and a lost connection to Africa is the focal point. Ethnic boundaries are fluid and constantly negotiated, but are also fixed on stable elements in the social world. The exclusion of Afro-Latinos discursively, as well as in the social world, persists.

In this study I have examined how Swedish artists are portrayed in the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter. I have been using a critical discourse analysis to analyze twelve articles, whereof six interviews with female performing artists and six with male performing artists. The main findings show that the journalist mostly describes the artists in ways that can be seen as normative for the female and male gender. The female artists are described as strong and caring about relationships, while the majority of the male artists are described as brave and tough. Both the female and male performing artists are described as outreach and people who are not affraid to express themselves.

In this study I have examined how Swedish artists are portrayed in the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter. I have been using a critical discourse analysis to analyze twelve articles, whereof six interviews with female performing artists and six with male performing artists. The main findings show that the journalist mostly describes the artists in ways that can be seen as normative for the female and male gender. The female artists are described as strong and caring about relationships, while the majority of the male artists are described as brave and tough. Both the female and male performing artists are described as outreach and people who are not affraid to express themselves.

En aquest article fem una anàlisi crítica del discurs d’una organització contrària a les polítiques de promoció del gallec: Galicia Bilingüe (GB). S’ha triat el discurs d’aquesta organització perquè és el més representatiu a Galícia de la ideologia en contra de les llengües minoritzades. L’anàlisi gira entorn d’algunes de les idees principals que conformen aquesta ideologia, com ara el neoliberalisme o l’antinacionalisme gallec, i també fem esment d’algunes de les estratègies discursives que fan servir per a legitimar les seves idees.Paraules clau: ideologies lingüístiques, normalització lingüística, gallec, anàlisi crítica del discurs., This paper presents a critical analysis of the discourse of Galicia Bilingüe (GB), an organisation opposed to the policies promoting the Galician language. This organisation’s discourse has been chosen for study because, in Galicia, it best represents the ideology opposed to minority languages. The research covers some of the main ideas forming this ideology, such as neoliberalism and anti-Galician nationalism, as well as some of the discoursive strategies that GB uses to legitimate its ideas.Keywords: linguistic ideologies, linguistic normalisation, Galician, critical discourse analysis.

The purpose of this study was to analyze how the child is represented in court cases regarding residence permits. Central to the study was the Swedish Aliens Act and its buildups as well as the Children’s Convention. The selection of court cases was narrowed down to five cases that involved at least one child and its mother who applied for residence permits on the grounds of ties or on the grounds of exceptionally distressing circumstances. The method used in the study was critical discourse analysis which also was used as theoretical perspective together with a feministic perspective. Children were defined as vulnerable, in need of protection, not justified to speak and a part of the collective. One conclusion was that a child’s identity is neglected and that the child’s permit is determined by the mother’s permit

In the United States of America media and the press have the important role of being ”the fourth estate of government” which means that American media has the task to examine the political processes taking place within the country, as well as the USA's actions abroad. The importance of media not being biased or not framing certain kind of information cannot be overemphasized, but despite this, it happens that the media ex-ploits the power it possesses by affecting different discourses in unfavorable ways. It is not always obvious that a newspaper is trying to convince readers to think in a certain way which calls for the need to read between the lines when studying this specific news media. In this essay I will examine Huffington Posts subcategories ”Black Voices” and ”Latino Voices” to see if it is possible to identify any difficulties associated with this kind of targeted news. How do these subcategories reflect how the American society looks at minorities and their right to be included in the public sphere? Is Huffington post producing or reproducing stereotypical prejudices about minorities through assigning them unfavorable group identities? Through a critical discourse analysis, I will answer these questions about minorities and their representation in ethnic media.

In the United States of America media and the press have the important role of being ”the fourth estate of government” which means that American media has the task to examine the political processes taking place within the country, as well as the USA's actions abroad. The importance of media not being biased or not framing certain kind of information cannot be overemphasized, but despite this, it happens that the media ex-ploits the power it possesses by affecting different discourses in unfavorable ways. It is not always obvious that a newspaper is trying to convince readers to think in a certain way which calls for the need to read between the lines when studying this specific news media. In this essay I will examine Huffington Posts subcategories ”Black Voices” and ”Latino Voices” to see if it is possible to identify any difficulties associated with this kind of targeted news. How do these subcategories reflect how the American society looks at minorities and their right to be included in the public sphere? Is Huffington post producing or reproducing stereotypical prejudices about minorities through assigning them unfavorable group identities? Through a critical discourse analysis, I will answer these questions about minorities and their representation in ethnic media.

The purpose of this study was to analyze how the child is represented in court cases regarding residence permits. Central to the study was the Swedish Aliens Act and its buildups as well as the Children’s Convention. The selection of court cases was narrowed down to five cases that involved at least one child and its mother who applied for residence permits on the grounds of ties or on the grounds of exceptionally distressing circumstances. The method used in the study was critical discourse analysis which also was used as theoretical perspective together with a feministic perspective. Children were defined as vulnerable, in need of protection, not justified to speak and a part of the collective. One conclusion was that a child’s identity is neglected and that the child’s permit is determined by the mother’s permit

This article focuses on the analysis of headlines about immigration in the Spanish press (El Mundo and El País, July 2006). Based on the principles of critical discourse analysis and employing a methodology for analysis and taxonomy of functional linguistic the representation of immigrants is analyzed as social actors in the Spanish territory. In this regard, both lexical mechanisms selection and categorizations such as types of roles and verbal processes are taken into account. The corpus analysis shows that sociodiscursive representation of immigration in the Spanish press is influenced by mechanisms of emphasis or mitigation and by the relationship with Spain as a deictic centre., Este artículo se centra en el análisis de titulares de noticias sobre inmigración en la prensa española (El Mundo y EL País, julio de 2006). Partiendo de los presupuestos del análisis crítico del discurso y empleando una metodología de análisis y taxonomía de la lingüística funcional se analiza la representación de inmigrantes como actores sociales en el territorio español. En tal sentido, se tienen en cuenta tanto mecanismos de selección léxica y categorizaciones como tipos de roles y procesos verbales en que intervienen. El análisis del corpus ha mostrado que en la representación sociodiscursiva de la inmigración en la prensa española inciden tanto mecanismos de énfasis o mitigación con respecto a la realidad noticiada, como la relación con España como centro deíctico.

Health has been a recurring topic on the development agenda during the recent decades. During the 1980ies and 1990ies there was a great focus on the impact of infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis. In 2001 these three diseases were included in the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) alongside with the health goals of reducing maternal and child mortality until 2015. As the final year of the MDGs is approaching the Secretary General has initiated the process for a new post-2015 development agenda. This thesis has looked into the role of health in UN documents that are related to the high-level summits of the UN. The timeline of the texts reaches from the inception of the MDGs at the end of the 1990ies until April 2013. The research questions guiding this thesis are: “How has the perception of health changed since the inception of the Millennium Development Goals and how does this affect the discussions on the place of health within the post-2015 development agenda?” and “What discourses are connected to the concept of health and how do they reflect in the key documents of the UN in regards to the Millennium Development Goals?” Method and theory: The method used in this thesis is the three-step model of Critical Discourse Analysis by Norman Fairclough. Theories used are the constructivist Copenhagen Scholl and the concept of securitization, as well as a constructivist approach to International Political Economy. Findings: The findings of this thesis are the close connection of health to a security and economic discourse. The security discourse involves the change of perception regarding infectious and non-communicable diseases. The perception of health has developed since MDGs and is now broadened to including non-communicable diseases, chronic diseases, mental health and injuries.

By adopting the Policy for Global Development (PGD) in 2003 the Swedish parliament established gender mainstreaming as a goal in development cooperation policy, thereby emphasizing women’s role as agents of empowerment in development. This has not always been the case. During most of the history of Swedish foreign aid women issues have been handled separately and development policy mainly based on a male perspective. A lot of research has focused on trends in the global debate over how to better integrate women in development process, but much less academic attention has focused on how Swedish development policy has addressed the issue and how women have been referred to in development policy since the origin of Swedish foreign aid. According to the theories of critical discourse analysis (CDA) our written and spoken language influence our view of the reality and how we understand society. Following that logic, how women are referred to in Swedish development policy influence how women are perceived by the actors of development cooperation. Through a critical discourse analysis of official Swedish governmental documents concerning foreign aid, such as government bills and letters of appropriation, this study aims to detect discourses of Swedish development policy regarding women in developing countries. Furthermore it aims to understand how these discourses have related to the global debate about women’s role in development. This study observes six discourses of women in developing countries in the material: Women as passive recipient, agent of empowerment, the savior, motherhood-women as mothers, the other woman, and the man as the norm. The analysis shows Sweden’s development policies following the global discussions fairly coherently during much of the period, with 80s as the only possible exception.

By adopting the Policy for Global Development (PGD) in 2003 the Swedish parliament established gender mainstreaming as a goal in development cooperation policy, thereby emphasizing women’s role as agents of empowerment in development. This has not always been the case. During most of the history of Swedish foreign aid women issues have been handled separately and development policy mainly based on a male perspective. A lot of research has focused on trends in the global debate over how to better integrate women in development process, but much less academic attention has focused on how Swedish development policy has addressed the issue and how women have been referred to in development policy since the origin of Swedish foreign aid. According to the theories of critical discourse analysis (CDA) our written and spoken language influence our view of the reality and how we understand society. Following that logic, how women are referred to in Swedish development policy influence how women are perceived by the actors of development cooperation. Through a critical discourse analysis of official Swedish governmental documents concerning foreign aid, such as government bills and letters of appropriation, this study aims to detect discourses of Swedish development policy regarding women in developing countries. Furthermore it aims to understand how these discourses have related to the global debate about women’s role in development. This study observes six discourses of women in developing countries in the material: Women as passive recipient, agent of empowerment, the savior, motherhood-women as mothers, the other woman, and the man as the norm. The analysis shows Sweden’s development policies following the global discussions fairly coherently during much of the period, with 80s as the only possible exception.

Health has been a recurring topic on the development agenda during the recent decades. During the 1980ies and 1990ies there was a great focus on the impact of infectious diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis. In 2001 these three diseases were included in the UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) alongside with the health goals of reducing maternal and child mortality until 2015. As the final year of the MDGs is approaching the Secretary General has initiated the process for a new post-2015 development agenda. This thesis has looked into the role of health in UN documents that are related to the high-level summits of the UN. The timeline of the texts reaches from the inception of the MDGs at the end of the 1990ies until April 2013. The research questions guiding this thesis are: “How has the perception of health changed since the inception of the Millennium Development Goals and how does this affect the discussions on the place of health within the post-2015 development agenda?” and “What discourses are connected to the concept of health and how do they reflect in the key documents of the UN in regards to the Millennium Development Goals?” Method and theory: The method used in this thesis is the three-step model of Critical Discourse Analysis by Norman Fairclough. Theories used are the constructivist Copenhagen Scholl and the concept of securitization, as well as a constructivist approach to International Political Economy. Findings: The findings of this thesis are the close connection of health to a security and economic discourse. The security discourse involves the change of perception regarding infectious and non-communicable diseases. The perception of health has developed since MDGs and is now broadened to including non-communicable diseases, chronic diseases, mental health and injuries.

A textbook is a key component in the arsenal of a teacher of English. For this reason, it is of importance that textbooksused in Swedish schools are compliant with the fundamental values of equality, provided in the LPO 94. I will attempt to discover the extent to which English textbooks present males and females in non-stereotyped ways and as equal. I want to provide an overview to show how they deal with gender issues. In addition, I aim at establish whether there are any connection between learning and gender, and whether it hinders the pupil’s language learning. My analysis will draw on previous research and theories presented by prominent figures in the field, such as, Butler (1990), Mills (1995), Renner (1997), Ravitch (2004) and Jones, Kitetu & Jane Sunderland (1997)among others. Thereafter, these theories, and my own research will be compared, to and contrasted with the guidelines from the Swedish National Agency of Education. This dissertation comprises a qualitative critical discourse analysis of two randomly selected textbooks that have been, or are being used, in Swedish secondary schools. For my study, I have chosen Team 8 (1984) and Wings 8 (2000). In my analyses, a number of different aspects will be taken into consideration, such as the gender distribution of narrators, main characters and sub characters, as well as the description of gender/gender roles, and the representation of gender in illustrations. Further, I will study what kind of language is used: the extent to which it is gendered or de-gendered language. These aspects will be collected quantitatively. The findings from the analysis show that the language in Wings 8 gives a broad and non-stereotypic view of gender roles, which is in accordance with the fundamental values of LPO 94. However, the illustrations tend to portray males and females in what can be considered as quite stereotypical. Team 8, on the other hand, contains gendered language and male dominance; women

A textbook is a key component in the arsenal of a teacher of English. For this reason, it is of importance that textbooksused in Swedish schools are compliant with the fundamental values of equality, provided in the LPO 94. I will attempt to discover the extent to which English textbooks present males and females in non-stereotyped ways and as equal. I want to provide an overview to show how they deal with gender issues. In addition, I aim at establish whether there are any connection between learning and gender, and whether it hinders the pupil’s language learning. My analysis will draw on previous research and theories presented by prominent figures in the field, such as, Butler (1990), Mills (1995), Renner (1997), Ravitch (2004) and Jones, Kitetu & Jane Sunderland (1997)among others. Thereafter, these theories, and my own research will be compared, to and contrasted with the guidelines from the Swedish National Agency of Education. This dissertation comprises a qualitative critical discourse analysis of two randomly selected textbooks that have been, or are being used, in Swedish secondary schools. For my study, I have chosen Team 8 (1984) and Wings 8 (2000). In my analyses, a number of different aspects will be taken into consideration, such as the gender distribution of narrators, main characters and sub characters, as well as the description of gender/gender roles, and the representation of gender in illustrations. Further, I will study what kind of language is used: the extent to which it is gendered or de-gendered language. These aspects will be collected quantitatively. The findings from the analysis show that the language in Wings 8 gives a broad and non-stereotypic view of gender roles, which is in accordance with the fundamental values of LPO 94. However, the illustrations tend to portray males and females in what can be considered as quite stereotypical. Team 8, on the other hand, contains gendered language and male dominance; women

El objetivo del presente trabajo es indagar en los mecanismos de alterización y creación de auto- y alo-estereotipos en escandinavos y latinoamericanos que se encuentran en una situación de cooperación profesional. Los materiales constan de entrevistas semi-dirigidas hechas a empleados autóctonos y escandinavos de algunas subsidiarias venezolanas y mexicanas de empresas que tienen su sede en un país escandinavo (Dinamarca o Suecia). El tema de la entrevistas era cómo los respondentes −latinoamericanos por un lado, escandinavos por el otro− veían a los del grupo opuesto dentro del marco de colaboración profesional. El análisis de los materiales realizado desde la perspectiva ideacional-textual arroja un alto grado de convergencia entre las auto-representaciones de un grupo y las alo-representaciones del grupo opuesto. Las valoraciones así surgidas presentan, sin embargo, una imagen desequilibrada: el sesgo constante a favor de la parte escandinava. Otro resultado de interés es que los mexicanos y venezolanos tienden a referirse a sí mismos como “latinos” (tendencia que comparten con los entrevistados escandinavos) y que no infrecuentemente asimilan la categoría de “escandinavos” a la de “europeos” en general, asimilación que nunca se da entre los respondentes daneses y suecos. El análisis de las entrevistas como instancias de interacción indica la existencia de un número de estrategias de defensa identitaria en los informantes: al ver amenazada la auto-imagen colectiva, el entrevistado tiende a compensar tal amenaza mediante la actualización, sea de una auto-imagen positiva, sea de una alo-imagen negativa; se tiende también a convertir el signo negativo de una auto-categorización en signo positivo, o bien, tratándose de alo-categorizaciones, un signo positivo en negativo; finalmente surgen mecanismos de silenciamiento de la auto-representación, supuestamente con fines protectores de la imagen.

El objetivo del presente trabajo es indagar en los mecanismos de alterización y creación de auto- y alo-estereotipos en escandinavos y latinoamericanos que se encuentran en una situación de cooperación profesional. Los materiales constan de entrevistas semi-dirigidas hechas a empleados autóctonos y escandinavos de algunas subsidiarias venezolanas y mexicanas de empresas que tienen su sede en un país escandinavo (Dinamarca o Suecia). El tema de la entrevistas era cómo los respondentes −latinoamericanos por un lado, escandinavos por el otro− veían a los del grupo opuesto dentro del marco de colaboración profesional. El análisis de los materiales realizado desde la perspectiva ideacional-textual arroja un alto grado de convergencia entre las auto-representaciones de un grupo y las alo-representaciones del grupo opuesto. Las valoraciones así surgidas presentan, sin embargo, una imagen desequilibrada: el sesgo constante a favor de la parte escandinava. Otro resultado de interés es que los mexicanos y venezolanos tienden a referirse a sí mismos como “latinos” (tendencia que comparten con los entrevistados escandinavos) y que no infrecuentemente asimilan la categoría de “escandinavos” a la de “europeos” en general, asimilación que nunca se da entre los respondentes daneses y suecos. El análisis de las entrevistas como instancias de interacción indica la existencia de un número de estrategias de defensa identitaria en los informantes: al ver amenazada la auto-imagen colectiva, el entrevistado tiende a compensar tal amenaza mediante la actualización, sea de una auto-imagen positiva, sea de una alo-imagen negativa; se tiende también a convertir el signo negativo de una auto-categorización en signo positivo, o bien, tratándose de alo-categorizaciones, un signo positivo en negativo; finalmente surgen mecanismos de silenciamiento de la auto-representación, supuestamente con fines protectores de la imagen.

El objetivo del presente trabajo es indagar en los mecanismos de alterización y creación de auto- y alo-estereotipos en escandinavos y latinoamericanos que se encuentran en una situación de cooperación profesional. Los materiales constan de entrevistas semi-dirigidas hechas a empleados autóctonos y escandinavos de algunas subsidiarias venezolanas y mexicanas de empresas que tienen su sede en un país escandinavo (Dinamarca o Suecia). El tema de la entrevistas era cómo los respondentes −latinoamericanos por un lado, escandinavos por el otro− veían a los del grupo opuesto dentro del marco de colaboración profesional. El análisis de los materiales realizado desde la perspectiva ideacional-textual arroja un alto grado de convergencia entre las auto-representaciones de un grupo y las alo-representaciones del grupo opuesto. Las valoraciones así surgidas presentan, sin embargo, una imagen desequilibrada: el sesgo constante a favor de la parte escandinava. Otro resultado de interés es que los mexicanos y venezolanos tienden a referirse a sí mismos como “latinos” (tendencia que comparten con los entrevistados escandinavos) y que no infrecuentemente asimilan la categoría de “escandinavos” a la de “europeos” en general, asimilación que nunca se da entre los respondentes daneses y suecos. El análisis de las entrevistas como instancias de interacción indica la existencia de un número de estrategias de defensa identitaria en los informantes: al ver amenazada la auto-imagen colectiva, el entrevistado tiende a compensar tal amenaza mediante la actualización, sea de una auto-imagen positiva, sea de una alo-imagen negativa; se tiende también a convertir el signo negativo de una auto-categorización en signo positivo, o bien, tratándose de alo-categorizaciones, un signo positivo en negativo; finalmente surgen mecanismos de silenciamiento de la auto-representación, supuestamente con fines protectores de la imagen.

El objetivo del presente trabajo es indagar en los mecanismos de alterización y creación de auto- y alo-estereotipos en escandinavos y latinoamericanos que se encuentran en una situación de cooperación profesional. Los materiales constan de entrevistas semi-dirigidas hechas a empleados autóctonos y escandinavos de algunas subsidiarias venezolanas y mexicanas de empresas que tienen su sede en un país escandinavo (Dinamarca o Suecia). El tema de la entrevistas era cómo los respondentes −latinoamericanos por un lado, escandinavos por el otro− veían a los del grupo opuesto dentro del marco de colaboración profesional. El análisis de los materiales realizado desde la perspectiva ideacional-textual arroja un alto grado de convergencia entre las auto-representaciones de un grupo y las alo-representaciones del grupo opuesto. Las valoraciones así surgidas presentan, sin embargo, una imagen desequilibrada: el sesgo constante a favor de la parte escandinava. Otro resultado de interés es que los mexicanos y venezolanos tienden a referirse a sí mismos como “latinos” (tendencia que comparten con los entrevistados escandinavos) y que no infrecuentemente asimilan la categoría de “escandinavos” a la de “europeos” en general, asimilación que nunca se da entre los respondentes daneses y suecos. El análisis de las entrevistas como instancias de interacción indica la existencia de un número de estrategias de defensa identitaria en los informantes: al ver amenazada la auto-imagen colectiva, el entrevistado tiende a compensar tal amenaza mediante la actualización, sea de una auto-imagen positiva, sea de una alo-imagen negativa; se tiende también a convertir el signo negativo de una auto-categorización en signo positivo, o bien, tratándose de alo-categorizaciones, un signo positivo en negativo; finalmente surgen mecanismos de silenciamiento de la auto-representación, supuestamente con fines protectores de la imagen.

El objetivo del presente trabajo es indagar en los mecanismos de alterización y creación de auto- y alo-estereotipos en escandinavos y latinoamericanos que se encuentran en una situación de cooperación profesional. Los materiales constan de entrevistas semi-dirigidas hechas a empleados autóctonos y escandinavos de algunas subsidiarias venezolanas y mexicanas de empresas que tienen su sede en un país escandinavo (Dinamarca o Suecia). El tema de la entrevistas era cómo los respondentes −latinoamericanos por un lado, escandinavos por el otro− veían a los del grupo opuesto dentro del marco de colaboración profesional. El análisis de los materiales realizado desde la perspectiva ideacional-textual arroja un alto grado de convergencia entre las auto-representaciones de un grupo y las alo-representaciones del grupo opuesto. Las valoraciones así surgidas presentan, sin embargo, una imagen desequilibrada: el sesgo constante a favor de la parte escandinava. Otro resultado de interés es que los mexicanos y venezolanos tienden a referirse a sí mismos como “latinos” (tendencia que comparten con los entrevistados escandinavos) y que no infrecuentemente asimilan la categoría de “escandinavos” a la de “europeos” en general, asimilación que nunca se da entre los respondentes daneses y suecos. El análisis de las entrevistas como instancias de interacción indica la existencia de un número de estrategias de defensa identitaria en los informantes: al ver amenazada la auto-imagen colectiva, el entrevistado tiende a compensar tal amenaza mediante la actualización, sea de una auto-imagen positiva, sea de una alo-imagen negativa; se tiende también a convertir el signo negativo de una auto-categorización en signo positivo, o bien, tratándose de alo-categorizaciones, un signo positivo en negativo; finalmente surgen mecanismos de silenciamiento de la auto-representación, supuestamente con fines protectores de la imagen.

El objetivo del presente trabajo es indagar en los mecanismos de alterización y creación de auto- y alo-estereotipos en escandinavos y latinoamericanos que se encuentran en una situación de cooperación profesional. Los materiales constan de entrevistas semi-dirigidas hechas a empleados autóctonos y escandinavos de algunas subsidiarias venezolanas y mexicanas de empresas que tienen su sede en un país escandinavo (Dinamarca o Suecia). El tema de la entrevistas era cómo los respondentes −latinoamericanos por un lado, escandinavos por el otro− veían a los del grupo opuesto dentro del marco de colaboración profesional. El análisis de los materiales realizado desde la perspectiva ideacional-textual arroja un alto grado de convergencia entre las auto-representaciones de un grupo y las alo-representaciones del grupo opuesto. Las valoraciones así surgidas presentan, sin embargo, una imagen desequilibrada: el sesgo constante a favor de la parte escandinava. Otro resultado de interés es que los mexicanos y venezolanos tienden a referirse a sí mismos como “latinos” (tendencia que comparten con los entrevistados escandinavos) y que no infrecuentemente asimilan la categoría de “escandinavos” a la de “europeos” en general, asimilación que nunca se da entre los respondentes daneses y suecos. El análisis de las entrevistas como instancias de interacción indica la existencia de un número de estrategias de defensa identitaria en los informantes: al ver amenazada la auto-imagen colectiva, el entrevistado tiende a compensar tal amenaza mediante la actualización, sea de una auto-imagen positiva, sea de una alo-imagen negativa; se tiende también a convertir el signo negativo de una auto-categorización en signo positivo, o bien, tratándose de alo-categorizaciones, un signo positivo en negativo; finalmente surgen mecanismos de silenciamiento de la auto-representación, supuestamente con fines protectores de la imagen.

Rhetoric and composition studies has no recognizable, critical theory or body of knowledge about race that attends to the field's foundation: language, rhetoric, persuasion, literacy, or writing. The field is in a crisis, a theoretical wasteland, when it comes to critical race praxis. Presently, it is stuck in racially liberal paradigms, such as multiculturalism, diversity, and color-blindness that are anti-progressive and linguistically and rhetorically lacking. These paradigms sustain what Charles W. Mills terms an "epistemology of ignorance" that regards knowledge of race and racism as hazardous to white dominance (17). To respond, I propose a theory of racial literacy that answers Keith Gilyard's call for a "narrative about racial formation that would be useful in composition classrooms, one accessible yet sufficient in scope" (49). I argue that racial literacy is a topic of investigation for the field of rhetoric and composition studies because it examines race as a discursive system with implications for knowledge construction, interpretation, and literacy performance. To move from racial liberalism to racial literacy, the field needs to make three shifts: 1) shift the rhetorical subject from the individual to language; 2) shift the theoretical paradigm from racial liberalism to racial literacy, and 3) shift from a pedagogy stuck between racial liberalism and critical pedagogy to one grounded in racial literacy strategies. The three shifts I propose should spark a new discussion in the field about students' right to study language, similar to the 1974 College Composition and Communication Resolution Students' Right to Their Own Language. In chapter 2, I survey the field of rhetoric and composition to reveal its lack of critical engagement with race. In chapter 3, I outline the theoretical foundation of racial literacy, analyzing race as a discursive system. Chapter 4 describes my experiences implementing racial literacy in a rhetoric and composition classroom

Large retirement numbers and fierce competition of available labour, results in municipalities have to be more attractive as an employer. One way for the municipalities to fulfil their staffing requirement is partly to increase their recruitment efforts, and partly to educate their existing employees. Discussions about the supply of competence are therefore pressing within municipal activity. The aim of the study was to investigate how the concept of competence is used within a municipal administration. The method that has been used is Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, a method that allows multi dimensional analysis. By illustrate which discourses that exist around the concept, it was my supposition to make visible the usage of the concept. The analysis of the studied material has resulted in four discourse’s being identified around competence: a political salaried discourse, a neoliberal discourse, a pragmatic discourse and a sociocultural discourse. Consistently competence is viewed as an important part of the activities efficiency, quality and development., Stora pensionsavgångar och hård konkurrens om arbetskraften medför att kommuner måste vara mer attraktiva som arbetsgivare. Ett sätt för kommunerna att tillgodose sina personalbehov är att dels öka satsningen på rekrytering, dels att utbilda redan anställda. Diskussioner om kompetensförsörjning är därför angelägna inom kommunal verksamhet. Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur begreppet kompetens används inom en kommunal förvaltning. Metoden som använts är Norman Fairclough’s kritiska diskursanalys, en metod som möjliggör en flerdimensionell analys av undersökningsmaterialet. Genom att åskådliggöra vilka diskurser som finns kring begreppet var det min förhoppning att synliggöra begreppets användande. Analysen av undersökningsmaterialet har resulterat i att fyra diskurser har identifierats kring kompetens: politisk tjänstemannadiskurs, neoliberal diskurs, pragmatisk diskurs och en sociokulturell diskurs. Genomgående ses kompetens som en viktig del för verksamhetens effektivitet, kvalitet och utveckling.

Large retirement numbers and fierce competition of available labour, results in municipalities have to be more attractive as an employer. One way for the municipalities to fulfil their staffing requirement is partly to increase their recruitment efforts, and partly to educate their existing employees. Discussions about the supply of competence are therefore pressing within municipal activity. The aim of the study was to investigate how the concept of competence is used within a municipal administration. The method that has been used is Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, a method that allows multi dimensional analysis. By illustrate which discourses that exist around the concept, it was my supposition to make visible the usage of the concept. The analysis of the studied material has resulted in four discourse’s being identified around competence: a political salaried discourse, a neoliberal discourse, a pragmatic discourse and a sociocultural discourse. Consistently competence is viewed as an important part of the activities efficiency, quality and development., Stora pensionsavgångar och hård konkurrens om arbetskraften medför att kommuner måste vara mer attraktiva som arbetsgivare. Ett sätt för kommunerna att tillgodose sina personalbehov är att dels öka satsningen på rekrytering, dels att utbilda redan anställda. Diskussioner om kompetensförsörjning är därför angelägna inom kommunal verksamhet. Syftet med studien var att undersöka hur begreppet kompetens används inom en kommunal förvaltning. Metoden som använts är Norman Fairclough’s kritiska diskursanalys, en metod som möjliggör en flerdimensionell analys av undersökningsmaterialet. Genom att åskådliggöra vilka diskurser som finns kring begreppet var det min förhoppning att synliggöra begreppets användande. Analysen av undersökningsmaterialet har resulterat i att fyra diskurser har identifierats kring kompetens: politisk tjänstemannadiskurs, neoliberal diskurs, pragmatisk diskurs och en sociokulturell diskurs. Genomgående ses kompetens som en viktig del för verksamhetens effektivitet, kvalitet och utveckling.

This essay is about integration's discourses in newspapers. It compares four different newspapers with each other and it compares them also in a time perspective. The four different newspapers that the essay compares are Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Expressen. These are Swedish newspapers and they are distributed all over the country. The time perspective is a two months period, one month in the year 1994 and one month in the year 2002. In my essay I have used a method called critical discourse analysis to interpret the newspapers. When I have analyst the articles of the newspapers, this is what I found. The integration discourses in the different newspapers defines integration as something an immigrant has to go through in order to become a member of the Swedish society. In the newspapers there is also different dimensions of this integration's discourse. Work and language is pointed out as important in the process of integration. Sometimes, especially in the material from 2002, the newspapers write that language is more important then work, or that work is more important than language. These sides are really different politics sides. The left politics favours work and the right politics favours language. The different newspaper choose sometimes to let some politics argue for their side, and sometimes the newspapers only let one political side argue. From that I can say that newspapers Aftonbladet and Svenska Dagbladet are more to the left, while the others Dagens Nyheter and Expressen are more to the right. Both in the year 1994 and in the year 2002 the articles it's against that times integration's politic and offer solutions so that the Swedish society, can have a better integration's politic.

This essay is about integration's discourses in newspapers. It compares four different newspapers with each other and it compares them also in a time perspective. The four different newspapers that the essay compares are Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Expressen. These are Swedish newspapers and they are distributed all over the country. The time perspective is a two months period, one month in the year 1994 and one month in the year 2002. In my essay I have used a method called critical discourse analysis to interpret the newspapers. When I have analyst the articles of the newspapers, this is what I found. The integration discourses in the different newspapers defines integration as something an immigrant has to go through in order to become a member of the Swedish society. In the newspapers there is also different dimensions of this integration's discourse. Work and language is pointed out as important in the process of integration. Sometimes, especially in the material from 2002, the newspapers write that language is more important then work, or that work is more important than language. These sides are really different politics sides. The left politics favours work and the right politics favours language. The different newspaper choose sometimes to let some politics argue for their side, and sometimes the newspapers only let one political side argue. From that I can say that newspapers Aftonbladet and Svenska Dagbladet are more to the left, while the others Dagens Nyheter and Expressen are more to the right. Both in the year 1994 and in the year 2002 the articles it's against that times integration's politic and offer solutions so that the Swedish society, can have a better integration's politic.